
by
Lawrence Lessig
|
CHAPTER TWO: "Mere Copyists"
In 1839, Louis Daguerre invented the first practical technology for
producing what we would call "photographs." Appropriately enough, they were called "daguerreotypes." The process was complicated and
expensive, and the field was thus limited to professionals and a few
zealous and wealthy amateurs. (There was even an American Daguerre
Association that helped regulate the industry, as do all such associations, by keeping competition down so as to keep prices up.) Yet despite high prices, the demand for daguerreotypes was strong.
This pushed inventors to find simpler and cheaper ways to make "automatic
pictures." William Talbot soon discovered a process for making
"negatives." But because the negatives were glass, and had to be
kept wet, the process still remained expensive and cumbersome. In the
1870s, dry plates were developed, making it easier to separate the taking
of a picture from its developing. These were still plates of glass, and
thus it was still not a process within reach of most amateurs.
The technological change that made mass photography possible
didn't happen until 1888, and was the creation of a single man. George
Eastman, himself an amateur photographer, was frustrated by the
technology of photographs made with plates. In a flash of insight (so
to speak), Eastman saw that if the film could be made to be flexible, it
could be held on a single spindle. That roll could then be sent to a developer, driving the costs of photography down substantially. By lowering
the costs, Eastman expected he could dramatically broaden the
population of photographers.
Eastman developed flexible, emulsion-coated paper film and placed
rolls of it in small, simple cameras: the Kodak. The device was marketed
on the basis of its simplicity. "You press the button and we do the
rest."[1]
As he described in The Kodak Primer:
The principle of the Kodak system is the separation of the work
that any person whomsoever can do in making a photograph, from the work that only an expert can do....We furnish anybody, man, woman or child, who has sufficient intelligence to
point a box straight and press a button, with an instrument which
altogether removes from the practice of photography the necessity
for exceptional facilities or, in fact, any special knowledge of
the art. It can be employed without preliminary study, without a
darkroom and without chemicals.[2]
For $25, anyone could make pictures. The camera came preloaded
with film, and when it had been used, the camera was returned to an
Eastman factory, where the film was developed. Over time, of course, the cost of the camera and the ease with which it could be used both
improved. Roll film thus became the basis for the explosive growth of
popular photography. Eastman's camera first went on sale in 1888; one
year later, Kodak was printing more than six thousand negatives a day. From 1888 through 1909, while industrial production was rising by 4.7 percent, photographic equipment and material sales increased by 11 percent.[3] Eastman Kodak's sales during the same period experienced
an average annual increase of over 17 percent.[4]
The real significance of Eastman's invention, however, was not
economic. It was social. Professional photography gave individuals a
glimpse of places they would never otherwise see. Amateur photography
gave them the ability to record their own lives in a way they had
never been able to do before. As author Brian Coe notes, "For the first
time the snapshot album provided the man on the street with a permanent
record of his family and its activities. ...For the first time in
history there exists an authentic visual record of the appearance and activities
of the common man made without [literary] interpretation
or bias."[5]
In this way, the Kodak camera and film were technologies of expression. The pencil or paintbrush was also a technology of expression, of course. But it took years of training before they could be deployed by
amateurs in any useful or effective way. With the Kodak, expression
was possible much sooner and more simply. The barrier to expression
was lowered. Snobs would sneer at its "quality"; professionals would
discount it as irrelevant. But watch a child study how best to frame a
picture and you get a sense of the experience of creativity that the Kodak
enabled. Democratic tools gave ordinary people a way to express
themselves more easily than any tools could have before.
What was required for this technology to flourish? Obviously, Eastman's genius was an important part. But also important was the legal
environment within which Eastman's invention grew. For early in
the history of photography, there was a series of judicial decisions that
could well have changed the course of photography substantially. Courts were asked whether the photographer, amateur or professional, required permission before he could capture and print whatever image
he wanted. Their answer was no.[6]
The arguments in favor of requiring permission will sound surprisingly
familiar. The photographer was "taking" something from the person
or building whose photograph he shot--pirating something of
value. Some even thought he was taking the target's soul. Just as Disney
was not free to take the pencils that his animators used to draw
Mickey, so, too, should these photographers not be free to take images
that they thought valuable.
On the other side was an argument that should be familiar, as well. Sure, there may be something of value being used. But citizens should
have the right to capture at least those images that stand in public view. (Louis Brandeis, who would become a Supreme Court Justice, thought
the rule should be different for images from private spaces.[7]) It may be
that this means that the photographer gets something for nothing. Just
as Disney could take inspiration from Steamboat Bill, Jr. or the Brothers
Grimm, the photographer should be free to capture an image without
compensating the source.
Fortunately for Mr. Eastman, and for photography in general, these early decisions went in favor of the pirates. In general, no permission would be required before an image could be captured and shared with others. Instead, permission was presumed. Freedom was the default. (The law would eventually craft an exception for famous people: commercial photographers who snap pictures of famous people for commercial purposes have more restrictions than the rest of us. But in the ordinary case, the image can be captured without clearing the rights to do the capturing.[8])
We can only speculate about how photography would have developed
had the law gone the other way. If the presumption had been
against the photographer, then the photographer would have had to
demonstrate permission. Perhaps Eastman Kodak would have had to
demonstrate permission, too, before it developed the film upon which
images were captured. After all, if permission were not granted, then
Eastman Kodak would be benefiting from the "theft" committed by
the photographer. Just as Napster benefited from the copyright infringements
committed by Napster users, Kodak would be benefiting
from the "image-right" infringement of its photographers. We could
imagine the law then requiring that some form of permission be
demonstrated before a company developed pictures. We could imagine
a system developing to demonstrate that permission.
But though we could imagine this system of permission, it would
be very hard to see how photography could have flourished as it did if
the requirement for permission had been built into the rules that govern
it. Photography would have existed. It would have grown in importance
over time. Professionals would have continued to use the
technology as they did--since professionals could have more easily borne
the burdens of the permission system. But the spread of photography
to ordinary people would not have occurred. Nothing like that growth
would have been realized. And certainly, nothing like that growth in a
democratic technology of expression would have been realized.
If you drive through San Francisco's Presidio, you might see two
gaudy yellow school buses painted over with colorful and striking images, and the logo "Just Think!" in place of the name of a school. But
there's little that's "just" cerebral in the projects that these busses enable. These buses are filled with technologies that teach kids to tinker
with film. Not the film of Eastman. Not even the film of your VCR.
Rather the "film" of digital cameras. Just Think! is a project that enables
kids to make films, as a way to understand and critique the filmed
culture that they find all around them. Each year, these busses travel to
more than thirty schools and enable three hundred to five hundred
children to learn something about media by doing something with media. By doing, they think. By tinkering, they learn.
These buses are not cheap, but the technology they carry is increasingly
so. The cost of a high-quality digital video system has fallen dramatically. As one analyst puts it, "Five years ago, a good real-time
digital video editing system cost $25,000. Today you can get professional
quality for $595."[9] These buses are filled with technology that
would have cost hundreds of thousands just ten years ago. And it is
now feasible to imagine not just buses like this, but classrooms across
the country where kids are learning more and more of something
teachers call "media literacy."
"Media literacy," as Dave Yanofsky, the executive director of Just
Think!, puts it, "is the ability ... to understand, analyze, and deconstruct
media images. Its aim is to make [kids] literate about the way
media works, the way it's constructed, the way it's delivered, and the
way people access it."
This may seem like an odd way to think about "literacy." For most
people, literacy is about reading and writing. Faulkner and Hemingway
and noticing split infinitives are the things that "literate" people know
about.
Maybe. But in a world where children see on average 390 hours of
television commercials per year, or between 20,000 and 45,000 commercials
generally,[10] it is increasingly important to understand the
"grammar" of media. For just as there is a grammar for the written
word, so, too, is there one for media. And just as kids learn how to write
by writing lots of terrible prose, kids learn how to write media by constructing
lots of (at least at first) terrible media.
A growing field of academics and activists sees this form of literacy
as crucial to the next generation of culture. For though anyone who has
written understands how difficult writing is--how difficult it is to sequence
the story, to keep a reader's attention, to craft language to be
understandable--few of us have any real sense of how difficult media
is. Or more fundamentally, few of us have a sense of how media works, how it holds an audience or leads it through a story, how it triggers
emotion or builds suspense.
It took filmmaking a generation before it could do these things well. But even then, the knowledge was in the filming, not in writing about
the film. The skill came from experiencing the making of a film, not
from reading a book about it. One learns to write by writing and then
reflecting upon what one has written. One learns to write with images
by making them and then reflecting upon what one has created.
This grammar has changed as media has changed. When it was just
film, as Elizabeth Daley, executive director of the University of Southern
California's Annenberg Center for Communication and dean of the
USC School of Cinema-Television, explained to me, the grammar was
about "the placement of objects, color,...rhythm, pacing, and tex-
ture."[11] But as computers open up an interactive space where a story is
"played" as well as experienced, that grammar changes. The simple
control of narrative is lost, and so other techniques are necessary. Author
Michael Crichton had mastered the narrative of science fiction. But when he tried to design a computer game based on one of his
works, it was a new craft he had to learn. How to lead people through
a game without their feeling they have been led was not obvious, even
to a wildly successful author.[12]
This skill is precisely the craft a filmmaker learns. As Daley describes, "people are very surprised about how they are led through a
film. [I]t is perfectly constructed to keep you from seeing it, so you
have no idea. If a filmmaker succeeds you do not know how you were
led." If you know you were led through a film, the film has failed.
Yet the push for an expanded literacy--one that goes beyond text to
include audio and visual elements--is not about making better film directors. The aim is not to improve the profession of filmmaking at all. Instead, as Daley explained,
From my perspective, probably the most important digital divide
is not access to a box. It's the ability to be empowered with the
language that that box works in. Otherwise only a very few people
can write with this language, and all the rest of us are reduced to
being read-only.
"Read-only." Passive recipients of culture produced elsewhere. Couch potatoes. Consumers. This is the world of media from the
twentieth century.
The twenty-first century could be different. This is the crucial point: It could be both read and write. Or at least reading and better understanding
the craft of writing. Or best, reading and understanding the
tools that enable the writing to lead or mislead. The aim of any literacy, and this literacy in particular, is to "empower people to choose the appropriate
language for what they need to create or express."[13] It is to enable
students "to communicate in the language of the twenty-first century."[14]
As with any language, this language comes more easily to some
than to others. It doesn't necessarily come more easily to those who excel
in written language. Daley and Stephanie Barish, director of the Institute
for Multimedia Literacy at the Annenberg Center, describe one
particularly poignant example of a project they ran in a high school. The high school was a very poor inner-city Los Angeles school. In all
the traditional measures of success, this school was a failure. But Daley
and Barish ran a program that gave kids an opportunity to use film
to express meaning about something the students know something
about--gun violence.
The class was held on Friday afternoons, and it created a relatively
new problem for the school. While the challenge in most classes was
getting the kids to come, the challenge in this class was keeping them
away. The "kids were showing up at 6 A.M. and leaving at 5 at night,"
said Barish. They were working harder than in any other class to do
what education should be about--learning how to express themselves.
Using whatever "free web stuff they could find," and relatively simple
tools to enable the kids to mix "image, sound, and text," Barish said
this class produced a series of projects that showed something about
gun violence that few would otherwise understand. This was an issue
close to the lives of these students. The project "gave them a tool and
empowered them to be able to both understand it and talk about it,"
Barish explained. That tool succeeded in creating expression--far more
successfully and powerfully than could have been created using only
text. "If you had said to these students, 'you have to do it in text,' they
would've just thrown their hands up and gone and done something
else," Barish described, in part, no doubt, because expressing themselves
in text is not something these students can do well. Yet neither
is text a form in which these ideas can be expressed well. The power of
this message depended upon its connection to this form of expression.
"But isn't education about teaching kids to write?" I asked. In part, of course, it is. But why are we teaching kids to write? Education, Daley
explained, is about giving students a way of "constructing meaning." To say that that means just writing is like saying teaching writing
is only about teaching kids how to spell. Text is one part--and increasingly, not the most powerful part--of constructing meaning. As Daley
explained in the most moving part of our interview,
What you want is to give these students ways of constructing
meaning. If all you give them is text, they're not going to do it. Because they can't. You know, you've got Johnny who can look at
a video, he can play a video game, he can do graffiti all over your
walls, he can take your car apart, and he can do all sorts of other
things. He just can't read your text. So Johnny comes to school
and you say, "Johnny, you're illiterate. Nothing you can do matters." Well, Johnny then has two choices: He can dismiss you or
he [can] dismiss himself. If his ego is healthy at all, he's going to
dismiss you. [But i]nstead, if you say, "Well, with all these things
that you can do, let's talk about this issue. Play for me music that
you think reflects that, or show me images that you think reflect
that, or draw for me something that reflects that." Not by giving
a kid a video camera and . . . saying, "Let's go have fun with the
video camera and make a little movie." But instead, really help
you take these elements that you understand, that are your language, and construct meaning about the topic. . . .
That empowers enormously. And then what happens, of
course, is eventually, as it has happened in all these classes, they
bump up against the fact, "I need to explain this and I really need
to write something." And as one of the teachers told Stephanie, they would rewrite a paragraph 5, 6, 7, 8 times, till they got it right.
Because they needed to. There was a reason for doing it. They
needed to say something, as opposed to just jumping through
your hoops. They actually needed to use a language that they
didn't speak very well. But they had come to understand that they
had a lot of power with this language."
When two planes crashed into the World Trade Center, another into
the Pentagon, and a fourth into a Pennsylvania field, all media around
the world shifted to this news. Every moment of just about every day for
that week, and for weeks after, television in particular, and media generally, retold the story of the events we had just witnessed. The telling was
a retelling, because we had seen the events that were described. The genius
of this awful act of terrorism was that the delayed second attack was
perfectly timed to assure that the whole world would be watching.
These retellings had an increasingly familiar feel. There was music
scored for the intermissions, and fancy graphics that flashed across the
screen. There was a formula to interviews. There was "balance," and
seriousness. This was news choreographed in the way we have increasingly
come to expect it, "news as entertainment," even if the entertainment
is tragedy.
But in addition to this produced news about the "tragedy of September
11," those of us tied to the Internet came to see a very different
production as well. The Internet was filled with accounts of the same
events. Yet these Internet accounts had a very different flavor. Some
people constructed photo pages that captured images from around the
world and presented them as slide shows with text. Some offered open
letters. There were sound recordings. There was anger and frustration. There were attempts to provide context. There was, in short, an extraordinary
worldwide barn raising, in the sense Mike Godwin uses
the term in his book Cyber Rights, around a news event that had captured
the attention of the world. There was ABC and CBS, but there
was also the Internet.
I don't mean simply to praise the Internet--though I do think the
people who supported this form of speech should be praised. I mean
instead to point to a significance in this form of speech. For like a Kodak, the Internet enables people to capture images. And like in a movie
by a student on the "Just Think!" bus, the visual images could be mixed
with sound or text.
But unlike any technology for simply capturing images, the Internet
allows these creations to be shared with an extraordinary number of
people, practically instantaneously. This is something new in our tradi-
tion--not just that culture can be captured mechanically, and obviously
not just that events are commented upon critically, but that this mix of
captured images, sound, and commentary can be widely spread practically
instantaneously.
September 11 was not an aberration. It was a beginning. Around
the same time, a form of communication that has grown dramatically
was just beginning to come into public consciousness: the Web-log, or
blog. The blog is a kind of public diary, and within some cultures, such
as in Japan, it functions very much like a diary. In those cultures, it
records private facts in a public way--it's a kind of electronic Jerry
Springer, available anywhere in the world.
But in the United States, blogs have taken on a very different character. There are some who use the space simply to talk about their private
life. But there are many who use the space to engage in public
discourse. Discussing matters of public import, criticizing others who
are mistaken in their views, criticizing politicians about the decisions
they make, offering solutions to problems we all see: blogs create the
sense of a virtual public meeting, but one in which we don't all hope to
be there at the same time and in which conversations are not necessarily
linked. The best of the blog entries are relatively short; they point
directly to words used by others, criticizing with or adding to them. They are arguably the most important form of unchoreographed public
discourse that we have.
That's a strong statement. Yet it says as much about our democracy
as it does about blogs. This is the part of America that is most difficult
for those of us who love America to accept: Our democracy has atrophied. Of course we have elections, and most of the time the courts allow
those elections to count. A relatively small number of people vote
in those elections. The cycle of these elections has become totally professionalized
and routinized. Most of us think this is democracy.
But democracy has never just been about elections. Democracy
means rule by the people, but rule means something more than mere
elections. In our tradition, it also means control through reasoned discourse. This was the idea that captured the imagination of Alexis de
Tocqueville, the nineteenth-century French lawyer who wrote the
most important account of early "Democracy in America." It wasn't
popular elections that fascinated him--it was the jury, an institution
that gave ordinary people the right to choose life or death for other citizens. And most fascinating for him was that the jury didn't just vote
about the outcome they would impose. They deliberated. Members argued
about the "right" result; they tried to persuade each other of the
"right" result, and in criminal cases at least, they had to agree upon a
unanimous result for the process to come to an end.[15]
Yet even this institution flags in American life today. And in its
place, there is no systematic effort to enable citizen deliberation. Some
are pushing to create just such an institution.[16] And in some towns in
New England, something close to deliberation remains. But for most
of us for most of the time, there is no time or place for "democratic deliberation"
to occur.
More bizarrely, there is generally not even permission for it to occur. We, the most powerful democracy in the world, have developed a
strong norm against talking about politics. It's fine to talk about politics
with people you agree with. But it is rude to argue about politics
with people you disagree with. Political discourse becomes isolated, and isolated discourse becomes more extreme.[17] We say what our
friends want to hear, and hear very little beyond what our friends say.
Enter the blog. The blog's very architecture solves one part of this
problem. People post when they want to post, and people read when
they want to read. The most difficult time is synchronous time. Technologies
that enable asynchronous communication, such as e-mail, increase the opportunity for communication. Blogs allow for public
discourse without the public ever needing to gather in a single public
place.
But beyond architecture, blogs also have solved the problem of
norms. There's no norm (yet) in blog space not to talk about politics. Indeed, the space is filled with political speech, on both the right and
the left. Some of the most popular sites are conservative or libertarian, but there are many of all political stripes. And even blogs that are not
political cover political issues when the occasion merits.
The significance of these blogs is tiny now, though not so tiny. The
name Howard Dean may well have faded from the 2004 presidential
race but for blogs. Yet even if the number of readers is small, the reading
is having an effect.
One direct effect is on stories that had a different life cycle in the
mainstream media. The Trent Lott affair is an example. When Lott
"misspoke" at a party for Senator Strom Thurmond, essentially praising
Thurmond's segregationist policies, he calculated correctly that this
story would disappear from the mainstream press within forty-eight
hours. It did. But he didn't calculate its life cycle in blog space. The
bloggers kept researching the story. Over time, more and more instances
of the same "misspeaking" emerged. Finally, the story broke
back into the mainstream press. In the end, Lott was forced to resign
as senate majority leader.[18]
This different cycle is possible because the same commercial pressures
don't exist with blogs as with other ventures. Television and
newspapers are commercial entities. They must work to keep attention. If they lose readers, they lose revenue. Like sharks, they must move on.
But bloggers don't have a similar constraint. They can obsess, they
can focus, they can get serious. If a particular blogger writes a particularly
interesting story, more and more people link to that story. And as
the number of links to a particular story increases, it rises in the ranks
of stories. People read what is popular; what is popular has been selected
by a very democratic process of peer-generated rankings.
There's a second way, as well, in which blogs have a different cycle
from the mainstream press. As Dave Winer, one of the fathers of this
movement and a software author for many decades, told me, another
difference is the absence of a financial "conflict of interest." "I think you
have to take the conflict of interest" out of journalism, Winer told me. "An amateur journalist simply doesn't have a conflict of interest, or the
conflict of interest is so easily disclosed that you know you can sort of
get it out of the way."
These conflicts become more important as media becomes more
concentrated (more on this below). A concentrated media can hide
more from the public than an unconcentrated media can--as CNN
admitted it did after the Iraq war because it was afraid of the consequences
to its own employees.[19] It also needs to sustain a more coherent
account. (In the middle of the Iraq war, I read a post on the
Internet from someone who was at that time listening to a satellite uplink
with a reporter in Iraq. The New York headquarters was telling the
reporter over and over that her account of the war was too bleak: She
needed to offer a more optimistic story. When she told New York that
wasn't warranted, they told her that they were writing "the story.")
Blog space gives amateurs a way to enter the debate--"amateur" not
in the sense of inexperienced, but in the sense of an Olympic athlete, meaning not paid by anyone to give their reports. It allows for a much
broader range of input into a story, as reporting on the Columbia disaster
revealed, when hundreds from across the southwest United States
turned to the Internet to retell what they had seen.[20] And it drives
readers to read across the range of accounts and "triangulate," as Winer
puts it, the truth. Blogs, Winer says, are "communicating directly with
our constituency, and the middle man is out of it"--with all the benefits, and costs, that might entail.
Winer is optimistic about the future of journalism infected with
blogs. "It's going to become an essential skill," Winer predicts, for public
figures and increasingly for private figures as well. It's not clear that
"journalism" is happy about this--some journalists have been told to
curtail their blogging.[21] But it is clear that we are still in transition. "A
lot of what we are doing now is warm-up exercises," Winer told me. There is a lot that must mature before this space has its mature effect. And as the inclusion of content in this space is the least infringing use
of the Internet (meaning infringing on copyright), Winer said, "we will
be the last thing that gets shut down."
This speech affects democracy. Winer thinks that happens because
"you don't have to work for somebody who controls, [for] a gatekeeper." That is true. But it affects democracy in another way as well. As more and more citizens express what they think, and defend it in
writing, that will change the way people understand public issues. It is
easy to be wrong and misguided in your head. It is harder when the
product of your mind can be criticized by others. Of course, it is a rare
human who admits that he has been persuaded that he is wrong. But it
is even rarer for a human to ignore when he has been proven wrong. The writing of ideas, arguments, and criticism improves democracy. Today there are probably a couple of million blogs where such writing
happens. When there are ten million, there will be something extraordinary
to report.
John Seely Brown is the chief scientist of the Xerox Corporation. His work, as his Web site describes it, is "human learning and ...the
creation of knowledge ecologies for creating ... innovation."
Brown thus looks at these technologies of digital creativity a bit differently
from the perspectives I've sketched so far. I'm sure he would be
excited about any technology that might improve democracy. But his
real excitement comes from how these technologies affect learning.
As Brown believes, we learn by tinkering. When "a lot of us grew
up," he explains, that tinkering was done "on motorcycle engines, lawnmower
engines, automobiles, radios, and so on." But digital technologies
enable a different kind of tinkering--with abstract ideas though
in concrete form. The kids at Just Think! not only think about how
acommercial portrays a politician; using digital technology, they can
take the commercial apart and manipulate it, tinker with it to see how
it does what it does. Digital technologies launch a kind of bricolage, or
"free collage," as Brown calls it. Many get to add to or transform the
tinkering of many others.
The best large-scale example of this kind of tinkering so far is free
software or open-source software (FS/OSS). FS/OSS is software whose
source code is shared. Anyone can download the technology that makes
a FS/OSS program run. And anyone eager to learn how a particular bit
of FS/OSS technology works can tinker with the code.
This opportunity creates a "completely new kind of learning platform,"
as Brown describes. "As soon as you start doing that, you . . .
unleash a free collage on the community, so that other people can start
looking at your code, tinkering with it, trying it out, seeing if they can
improve it." Each effort is a kind of apprenticeship. "Open source becomes
a major apprenticeship platform."
In this process, "the concrete things you tinker with are abstract. They are code." Kids are "shifting to the ability to tinker in the abstract, and this tinkering is no longer an isolated activity that you're doing
in your garage. You are tinkering with a community platform You are tinkering with other people's stuff. The more you tinker the
more you improve." The more you improve, the more you learn.
This same thing happens with content, too. And it happens in the
same collaborative way when that content is part of the Web. As
Brown puts it, "the Web [is] the first medium that truly honors multiple
forms of intelligence." Earlier technologies, such as the typewriter
or word processors, helped amplify text. But the Web amplifies much
more than text. "The Web ...says if you are musical, if you are artistic, if you are visual, if you are interested in film ... [then] there is a lot
you can start to do on this medium. [It] can now amplify and honor
these multiple forms of intelligence."
Brown is talking about what Elizabeth Daley, Stephanie Barish, and Just Think! teach: that this tinkering with culture teaches as well
as creates. It develops talents differently, and it builds a different kind
of recognition.
Yet the freedom to tinker with these objects is not guaranteed. Indeed, as we'll see through the course of this book, that freedom is increasingly
highly contested. While there's no doubt that your father
had the right to tinker with the car engine, there's great doubt that your
child will have the right to tinker with the images she finds all around. The law and, increasingly, technology interfere with a freedom that
technology, and curiosity, would otherwise ensure.
These restrictions have become the focus of researchers and scholars. Professor Ed Felten of Princeton (whom we'll see more of in chapter 10) has developed a powerful argument in favor of the "right to
tinker" as it applies to computer science and to knowledge in general.[22] But Brown's concern is earlier, or younger, or more fundamental. It is
about the learning that kids can do, or can't do, because of the law.
"This is where education in the twenty-first century is going,"
Brown explains. We need to "understand how kids who grow up digital
think and want to learn."
"Yet," as Brown continued, and as the balance of this book will
evince, "we are building a legal system that completely suppresses the
natural tendencies of today's digital kids. ...We're building an architecture
that unleashes 60 percent of the brain [and] a legal system that
closes down that part of the brain."
We're building a technology that takes the magic of Kodak, mixes
moving images and sound, and adds a space for commentary and an
opportunity to spread that creativity everywhere. But we're building
the law to close down that technology.
"No way to run a culture," as Brewster Kahle, whom we'll meet in
chapter 9, quipped to me in a rare moment of despondence.
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